ARMENIOS THE COMMON FORFATHERS HERO FROM THETTALY (C)


(BEING CONTINUED FROM 23/11/15)

4. Lexical isoglosses between Armenian, Greek and Indo-Iranian
4.1. Material.
4.1.1. *plh1u”- ‘Pleiades’: Arm. alaw(s)unk‘ ‘Pleiades’, YAv. acc.pl. f paoiriiaēiniias < *paruiiainī,NPers. parvīn ‘Pleiades’, Gr. Πλειάδες ‘id.’; cf. Arm. y-olov ‘many’ < *polh1us: Gr. πολύς ‘many’, Skt. purú- ‘much, abundant’, etc. (Martirosyan 2010: 12–13).
4.1.2. *polio-/*polieh2: PArm. *(p)olíya- > Arm. ali-k‘1, obl. ale-a- ‘wave’; ali-k‘2 obl. ale-a- ‘grey hair; old age’; Gr. πολιός, fem. πολιάς ‘whitish grey (of hair and of foaming seas)’ (cf. especially  πολιαί ‘grey hair’ which stands for Arm. alik‘ e.g. in Proverbs 20.29); MPers. pīr ‘old,aged’ < *parya,Kurd. pēl ‘wave, billow’, etc. 23 In view of Mycenaean po-ri-wa, the Greek wordhas been reconstructed as *πολιο- and its close connection with Arm. ali-k‘ has been doubted (Clackson 1994: 163–164). Beekes (2010, 2: 1219), however, notes that the appurtenance of the Mycenaean word is quite uncertain and prefers to reconstruct *polio.
The Armenian, Greek and Iranian (if *parya- is reliable) words are particularly close to
each other in having both meanings (‘wave’ and ‘grey hair, old’) and reflecting *polio.
Perhaps  we can also add Skt. palitá- ‘grey, grey of old age, aged’, though this is uncertain.24 Other languages have *pol”o- ‘pale, grey’, which seems to be unrelated: Lat. pallidus ‘pale’ < *palwo,OHG falo ‘faded’ < PGerm. *falwa,OCS plavъ ‘white’, etc.25

4.1.3. *h2(e)lh1-/*h2l-n(e)h1-: Arm. a am ‘to grind’ < *al-n,Gr. ἀλέω ‘to grind’, MInd. āṭā
‘flour’, Av. aša- ‘ground’ < *arta,MPers. ārd ‘flour’ < *ārta,Khot. ārr- and Sogd. ’rn ‘to grind’from Iran. *arna.See also § 4.1.4.

4.1.4. *h2(e)lh1-tr-i-: Arm. aawri, eastem  ‘mill; female grinder (of corn)’, Gr. ἀλετρίς
‘woman who grinds corn’. If Pers. ās, āsya ‘mill’, Sogd. ’rδ ‘mill’ and other Iranian forms reflect  *a/ārθra- ‘mill’, a similar *-tr-formation of *h2(e)lh1- ‘to grind’ (see § 4.1.3), then this is a lexical isogloss between Armenian, Greek and Indo-Iranian, as is the root *h2(e)lh1.
Note also Arm.alewr ‘flour’ and Gr. ἄλευρον ‘flour’ (§ 6.1.1).26

4.1.5. *h2lōpe/ēk<- / *h2le/oupēk<- ‘fox’: Arm. atuēs, gen. atues-u ‘fox’, Gr. ἀλώπηξ, εκος
‘fox’,Skt. lopāśá- probably ‘fox’, Proto-Iranian *raupāśa- ‘fox’ (Parth. rwb’s [rōbās], MPers. rōbāh ‘fox’,Oss. rūvas/robas ‘fox’, Sogd. rwps-, Khwar. rwbs ‘fox’, Khot. rrūvāsa- ‘jackal’, etc.). Despite the  vocalic problem, I agree with Mayrhofer EWAia 2, 1996: 482 in that Indo-Iran. *Raupāća- is “nicht zu trennen” from Arm. atuēs and Gr. ἀλώπηξ. Further, note Av. urupi- ‘dog’, raopi- ‘fox,jackal’, Celtic *lop-erno- (Welsh llewyr ‘fox’, Bret. louarn ‘fox’, etc.), Lat. volpēs f. ‘fox’, Lith. lãpė,Latv. lapse ‘fox’, etc.27

4.1.6. *h2(e)ig- ‘goat’: Arm. ayc, istem,‘goat’, ayc-i, obl. aycea- (probably from fem. in
*-ih2-),Gr. αἴξ, αἰγός f. ‘goat’ (compositional αἰγί-),YAv. īzaēna- ‘leathern’, perhaps also Skt.eḍa- m. ‘a kind of sheep’ and Alb. dhi f. ‘(she-)goat’; note also the i-less form: Skt. ajá- ‘goat’,YAv. aza- ‘goat’, Lith. ožỹs ‘goat’, etc.28

4.1.7. *h2nēr, gen. *h2nr-ós ‘man’: Armenian ayr, gen. arn, Skt. nár-,Av. nar-,Greek ἀνήρ,
gen. ἀνδρός, Phryg. αναρ, cf. also Alb. njeri ‘human being, person’; note also traces in Italic
(Osc. ner)and Celtic (Mir. ner ‘boar’, MWelsh ner ‘chief, hero’). For the areal distribution,
compare, e.g., gen. *-osio- and *h2erh3-uer/n- ‘arable land’.

4.1.8. PIE *h1rs-en- ‘male, male animal’: Arm. aṙn ‘wild ram’ (acc.pl. z-ain-s), Gr. ἄρσην,
ενος,Att. ἄρρην, Ion., Lesb., Cret. ἔρσην, Lac. ἄρσης adj. ‘male’, Av. aršan- m. ‘man, male’,
OPers. aršan- ‘male, hero, bull’, cf. Skt. rṣabhá- m. ‘bull’.
In view of the vocalic discrepancy in the Greek forms ἔρσην and ἄρσην, two different
roots may be posited: *h1rs-en- (with Arm. arn and Indo-Iran. *Hršan)
and *h2ursen- (with Skt.vrṣan- ‘manly; male animal, bull, stallion, etc.’, Lat. verrēs ‘boar’, Lith. veršis ‘bull, ox, ox calf’,etc.), respectively.29 According to Pronk (2010), the second part of the Proto-Indo-European  determinative compound *g.(e)h3u-ursēn ‘bull’, lit. ‘cow-male’ (Toc. A kayurṣ ‘bull’, B kaurṣe  ‘bull’, OIc. kursi, later kussi ‘bull calf’, Skt. gó-vrṣa- and gó-vrṣabha- ‘bull’, etc.), was reanalyzed  in Greek, Indo-Iranian and Armenian as *-rsēn  and started to lead an independent life.30
Whether one accepts this attractive scenario or not, we are nonetheless dealing with a lexical isogloss between these three branches (pace Pronk 2010: 176  14). Note the abundance of such  isoglosses in the domain of animal husbandry (see Table set A).

4.1.9. *h2r-nu-: Arm. aṙnum ‘to gain, obtain, win, take, grasp’, Gr. ἄρνυμαι, aor. ἀρόμεν ‘to
win, gain’, probably also Av. rnauu- ‘to grant, allot, provide’ (see § 3.5 on nu-verbs).
4.1.10. *sru-ti/to-: Arm. aṙu, i-stem,o-stem,a-stem ‘brook, tributary; channel, ditch, trench’;the threefold declension of the Armenian word points to different derivatives: *sru-ti- (cf. Skt.sru-tí- f. ‘way, path’, Gr. ῥύσις f. ‘flowing, flow’, etc.), *sru-to- (cf. Gr. ῥυτός ‘flowing’) or *sroutos- n. (cf. Skt. srótas- n. ‘stream, current’, OPers. rautah- n., Pahl., NPers. rōd ‘stream’),*sr(o)u-ieh2 (cf. Lith. sraujà, Latv. strauja ‘stream’, Russ. strujá ‘stream’, etc.). The forms derive  from PIE *sre/ou- ‘to stream, flow’: Arm. a/oṙog(an)em ‘to water, irrigate’, Gr. ῥέω ‘to flow,stream’, etc.

(TO BE CONTINUED)

Hrach Martirosyan
Leiden University

NOTES

22 Hamp 1975; Wyatt 1982: 29; Stempel 2000: 517. For an extensive discussion I refer to Kocharov 2008: 34–39,
73–101, 172–180.
23 Martirosyan 2010: 14–15.
24 See Mayrhofer EWAia 2, 1996: 103–104.
25 See de Vaan 2008: 440–441; Derksen 2008: 412.

26 See Bailey 1979: 22a; Clackson 1994: 90–95; ÈtimSlovIranJaz 1, 2000: 200–204; Beekes 2010, 1: 65; Martirosyan 2010: 13–14, 26–27, 31.
27 Clackson 1994: 95–96; Martirosyan 2010: 42; Beekes 2010, 1: 78–79.
28 Euler 1979: 167–168; Clackson 1994: 88–90; Martirosyan 2010: 58; Beekes 2010, 1: 40–41; cf. also Clackson  1994: 182, 2376/4.
29 For references and a discussion, see Martirosyan 2010: 112.
30 Note that, in the Atharva-Veda, Skt. rṣabhá- is usually a real male animal, whereas vrṣabhá- is generally used  symbolically, often referring to, e.g., Indra or Agni (Lubotsky apud Pronk 2010: 172, 175–176).

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